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This is a qualitative study of the experiences
of Bangladeshi and Pakistani families in two towns in the
north of England. The study was prompted by the lack of research
on parents from these groups and their understanding of the
education system, despite the importance of parental involvement
and parental choice to Government educational policy. This
is coupled with evidence that students from Bangladeshi and
Pakistani groups underachieve academically.
The aims of the project were to develop knowledge
of the parents' understanding of the education system and
of their children's educational experience; to discern their
role in relation to their children's education; and to gather
the children's perspectives on these issues. The views of
some of the children's teachers were also sought.
The children involved were mainly of secondary
school age or in post-compulsory education, although a small
cohort of Year 6 pupils was included. A total of 591 parents
and young people were interviewed, in 157 households. Twenty
of these families took part in more in-depth case studies;
15 schools and two youth clubs were also accessed.
All parents placed a high value on education
and wanted their children to do well.
Most Bangladeshi parents knew very little about
the education system or about their children's progress in
school. Moreover, they did not express a need to know more,
but indicated a general satisfaction with the schools and
their level of contact. Most parents believed their children
were doing well academically and did not have any problems,
even though it seemed that this was not always the case.
Among Pakistani parents, levels of knowledge
and understanding were mixed. Most had a broad understanding
of the education system and their child's progress. They were
generally satisfied with their children's primary schools,
but more critical about the secondary schools, some of which
were perceived to be unsafe and/or have poor discipline. Teachers'
low expectations of their children were a particular concern
for both children and parents. However, even the most proactive
parents rarely questioned the school directly or raised concerns
with teachers.
While parents themselves may not have been directly
involved with schools, the extended family in both communities
played an important part in supporting children's education,
and this could compensate for parents' lack of knowledge.
This was not always recognised by teachers: lack of involvement
by parents tended to be viewed as a lack of interest in and
value of education. The researchers conclude that, while the
wider community provides valuable support to families, there
is potential for it to engage more directly with schools.
Parents and young people reported serious concerns
both about racial harassment and abuse, and the fact that
incidents were not dealt with satisfactorily. This led to
a perception that there was little point in reporting incidents
to schools.
Very few parents were aware of home-school agreements.
Only one secondary school monitored attendance at parents'
evenings according to ethnicity.
A variety of factors limited parents' interactions
with schools - for example, parents' lack of a tradition of
questioning professionals and limited fluency in English,
and school events scheduled in the evenings (when many fathers
were at work) or including alcohol (meaning that Muslims would
not attend).
Schools were very concerned about extended visits
to Bangladesh and Pakistan and the subsequent disruption to
children's education. In most cases schools regarded these
visits negatively, although they did not set work for the
children while they were away. In one of the towns, parents
did not appear to be aware of the schools' concern.
Many young people did not inform their parents
of their progress or of school meetings, regardless of whether
or not they were achieving academically. Some wanted to protect
their parents from embarrassment at their lack of English
or understanding of the education system. In most cases, young
people were keen to point out that their parents were interested
in their education and gave them encouragement.
While most young people mentioned the value
of school as a means of securing a job and a good future,
some had no understanding of how to achieve their aspirations,
and seemed not to have been given appropriate advice.
- More primary than secondary schools had developed close
relationships with ethnic minority parents: this mainly
relied on outreach by individual teachers, particularly
headteachers.
- Secondary schools depended more on written communication,
which not all parents were able to read, and some did not
receive. Furthermore, many parents were unaware of what
to expect and therefore did not know if they were not being
informed.
- Some schools employed bilingual assistants, which was
felt by teachers and parents to be a successful strategy
that helped mothers in particular to communicate with teachers
and feel more comfortable about visiting the school.
- Some primary schools ran initiatives through which Pakistani
mothers were invited into the school, with the aim of
enabling them to support their children's learning.
Crozier, G. (2005) Parents, Children and the
School Experience: Asian Families' Perspectives. Swindon:
ESRC. Download the full report or a summary from: www.esrcsocietytoday.ac.uk
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